Thursday, November 8, 2012

The Occupation of Veracruz by Robert E. Quirk

twist could not select cognise that, even as he was turning his draw over to his publisher, Kennedy was authorizing the sending of "military advisors" to an Asian nation just ab extinct which few Americans had even heard. of course, Quirk could not have known that in little more than a year the nation would be turned inner(a)-out by Kennedy's assassination. Arguably, the year this control was published was the high-water mark of American power and prestige.

Quirk's dissertation is that American indemnity at a crucial moment in the Mexican Revolution -- including the use of arms -- was shaped by sentiment and by a lack of information. It goes almost without tell that this is a frightening claim. Quirk explicitly makes the point that of altogether American presidents Wilson was the best equipped by his background and teaching method to make the cool and reasonable judgments a crisis in unusual policy requires. Yet he fai direct to do so, and failed so miserably that the occupation of Veracruz remains the ugliest chapter in the relations of the Mexico and the unify States.

Indeed, if Quirk's thesis is correct, policy depends far less on analysis than on interpretation. According to Quirk, men and their idiosyncracies precipitated the American occupation of Veracruz. As believable as this position may be, it also leads Quirk astray, for he cannot maintain it without shifting his ground and, in several instances, contradicting himself.


With all its unevenness, An Affair of Honor is an evoke and important work. First of all, it sounded a note of caution at a time when caution in American remote policy was required. Clearly, it is a thinly disguised admonishment to Kennedy, other liberal president, not to let his good intentions get out of hand. As Quirk suggested in the last sentence of his preface, "The imperial peoples of Latin America will no more clear instruction from the men of Harvard [Kennedy's famous 'brain trust'] than from the president of Princeton University [Wilson].
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" True to his look that men of affairs make history, Quirk was afraid that the analogous sorts of tendencies he had exposed in Wilson, and which Kennedy had already demonstrated in mounting a poorly-conceived invasion of Cuba, would mar U.S. foreign policy during the 1960's. In that, he was precisely correct.

Almost at once, mayo is the hard-edged, intelligent naval commander and the hard-headed, stubborn sailor who dragged the United States into moral and policy-making crisis. "This was the man who saw the dangerous lieu developing at Tampico," we are told at first. Ironically, it was he who alter the atmosphere at Tampico from one of tension and some tangible danger for foreign nationals to one of open warfare, entailing a overmuch higher level of danger -- both physical and political -- for all concerned. Quirk's description of mayonnaise's response to conditions at Tampico seems to ignore the many a(prenominal) times in history that commanders of forces representing Great Powers have protect their nationals without allowing their actions to become central to a larger crisis. For that reason, Quirk's description of Mayo as highly capable, as manifesting the highest qualities of a naval officer, is confusing, considering that Quirk also argues that Mayo virtually alone created the circumstances that led to the occupation of Veracruz, an action of which Quirk is highly critical.

The response inside the United St
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