Political Development of Los Angeles during the "Patronage Period"

Both "movements strongly suggested biases against smokestack democracy and sought the reversion of power to the hands of elites, professions, and scientists on with the reform of institutions according to scientific principles" (Lee 541). A strong thesis in the literature is that centralized machine faces gained control of municipal administrations because such establishments, organized on the concept of the separation of powers, were similarly weak and fragmented to prevent machine control of government (DiGaetano 242).

Political Development in Los Angeles

In the 1870s, city government in Los Angeles was characterized by fragmented authority (Deming 9). A dewy-eyed range of city officials were elected directly?down to an including almost department heads and commission members. There was an absence of clear lines of administrative authority, and personnel systems were haphazard (Svara 324). There was a continuing meet about the problems produced by separation of powers as well as a desire to strengthen the city council. The major problems of this time, in addition to fragmented authority, complexity, and conflict within city government, were "limits to popular accountability, corruption, low-level and poor-quality serves, and a lack of competence and public service commitment among municipal staff" (Svara 325).

The factors that most radiation diagramd and characterized policy-making development

From 1870 to 1898, the ideological and organizational shape of the atomic number 20 labor movement was established (Kazin 381). Workers experimented with a ample range of collective forms-independent parties, radical sects, producer cooperatives, union federations, and craft-based laws, originally "settling upon a durable amalgam of 'business unionism' infused with prodigious political ambitions" (Kazin 381).

The second characteristic was that the dominant craft unions incorporated often of the critique and rhetoric of the political left (Lewis 210-226). Their aim was to development the power of trade unions in every area of participation as a "counterweight to organized corporate energy" (Kazin 377).

In this effort, radical political ideas and radical political activists were regarded as useful by the labor unions. The former provided a " great deal attractive to many Californians; the latter organized with almost loyal dedication. However, control of labor's offensive always lay with those working-class leadership whose only loyalty was to their unions and not to any left organization that may have been involved" (Kazin 377).

Fogelson, R. M. The Fragmented Metropolis. Berkeley, California: University of California Press.

In Los Angeles, Mexicans did not weaken the ethnic unity among whites because, until the 1930s, they rarely worked in the same industries as Anglos and were segregated into menial occupations when they did (Erie 519-554). approximately Mexicans lived in a barrio apart from the rapidly expanding city which surrounded it. As late as 1926, when Mexicans comprised at least 10 percent of the Los Angeles population, a spokesman for the city's chamber of commerce could still dry land that Los Angeles did not have a varied group of assorted kinds of nationalities as is found in the larger cities of the eastern unite States. This invisibility of ethnic and racial minorities in Los Angeles meant that the contentious kindred between organized labor and capital in the
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